In addition to its own issues, the EU would like to accelerate the accession of the six Balkan partners within the block, and as its first step it will soon publicize its Growth Plan for the Western Balkans to enable the regional market be a part of the EU’s one, according to the Head of the EU to Serbia, Ambassador Emanuele Giaufret.
I would like to start with the question regarding the EU and its problems within the block. There have been reports about the ideas of changing the decision-making process particularly the consensus rule. So, is that possible or is that just a good idea that could not be realized?
The idea of changing the decision-making process within the European Union has been there for a while. We vote with the qualified majority for the vast majority of the issues, but then there are a number of areas where we kept the consensus. For example, the taxation and foreign policy. The debate is about of the efficiency of the European Union. Voting with qualified majority enable us to move faster. So, we have a debate, we have friends of qualified majority, other member states have different opinion and want to keep consensus. I cannot tell you what the outcome will be, but I think that the question of the EU efficiency, also in the light of the enlargement which looks much more concrete now, is on the table.
Speaking about the enlargement, are there any regrets within the EU, among the so-called old members, for taking in some new members which, as many say now, were not really ready for the membership?
The enlargement we had at the beginning of the century was the largest and was an important achievement for the EU because we have widened the area of stability and prosperity within the EU. Obviously becoming a member state bears a number of responsibilities… As we grow in numbers, we also need to understand that diversity in unity is a value. The European Union is now creating tools to be able to ensure that members states once they are in are also held accountable for maintaining key principles. That is a process that will take some time, it did not exist before. But I don’t think there are regrets about taking in member states. Sometimes there are challenges.
His Excellency Emanuele Giaufret
The head of the EU Delegation Ambassador Emanuele Giaufret has been appointed to the position in Serbia in September 2021.
According to the EEAS Serbia official website, he came to Belgrade after serving four years as the EU Ambassador to Israel.
Previously, he served at EEAS as the Head of the Division for Democracy and Electoral Observation and as Political Assistant to the Managing Director responsible for North Africa and the Middle East. He was also posted at the EU Delegation to the UN in New York, and again at the EU Delegation in Israel, as Head of the Political and Trade Section.
In that sense, when do you see the entire Balkans joining the EU? I know that those countries have first to fulfil all the requirements, but is there a real wish within the EU to embrace those countries which are now not in a good position regarding all criteria they have to meet?
I think there is a great possibility now, an opportunity to accelerate the enlargement process. The world has dramatically changed in February 2022 with the Russian aggression on Ukraine. Everything is really different in Europe and the way we look at the enlargement certainly has changed dramatically. We knew that the enlargement was in our strategic interest as the European Union wants to ensure the stability and prosperity and democracy throughout the continent and the Western Balkans is right in the middle of our EU. But with the Russian aggression this need became much more present and a key priority for the European Union. Now we have three additional countries applying to become EU members – Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Ukraine and Moldova received a candidate status and we are now about to start discussions whether to begin negotiations with Ukraine. The Western Balkans in this context becomes an important part of our project. We all understand that enlarging does require the Western Balkans aboard. So, now is the time to look at the enlargement process with different eyes. And I think that all the messages coming from Brussels, decision-makers, member states, EU institutions are sending the same signal. The President of the European Council, Charles Michel, stated that both the European Union and the Western Balkans have to be ready by 2030. The President of the Commission has launched the Growth Plan to start integrating the Western Balkans to the single European market to feel the benefit even before becoming a member. And all of this, either on political or on more concrete side, is to say that we need to give momentum necessary for the enlargement policy that can actually help reforms as pre-conditions for the membership, because it is true that the enlargement is a merit-based process, meaning that you have to be ready to join. And as we are becoming a bigger and larger family, we look at the criteria more stringently because a family is made of brothers and sisters who share same ideas, same values and basically same foreign policy orientation. The Growth Plan has not yet been articulated, but will be presented soon and we will soon have better understanding of how it works. But fundamentally, the idea is that we have the EU single market, four hundred fifty million consumers and citizens. That is a very powerful engine, it can help the Western Balkan to reform because if we open up some parts of the single market, like the digital single market, they become parts of this market but also in single payment and trade facilitations – even before membership. There will be an economic benefit for the Western Balkans. At the same time, they will need reforms because they need to adopt their own legislations quicker to the EU acquis because the standards first need to have to be the same. Secondly, when you enter the single market, you strengthen the regional integration. We know that the Western Balkans is not very well integrated, there is a lot of issues to overcome. So, this is the idea to, in a way, re-start the engine of accession.
Speaking about those countries that are waiting to join the EU, some of them, and some of those that are already member states, is the EU worried about the increasing nationalist and populist politics in those countries and in Serbia as well?
In the political context in which this is likely to happen we need to find policies, to see policies that are oriented towards regional cooperation, to overcome the legacy of the past, send message of friendship and good neighborly relations in words and in deeds. That is what will help us win. And this is why we need to also work on very concrete projects that brings people closer together because at the end of the day it’s about people to people contact, the practical community that you can create with shared needs that can help people overcome (problems). This is how the EU was created after the Second World War.
EU in Serbia
The head of the EU Delegation to Serbia said that their opinion polls showed that 42 percent of people in the country are aware of the EU role in the country. He recalled that the EU is active in almost all fields in Serbia as a partner and allocated about four hundred million Euros in 2001-22 in donations every year. “The EU and its companies are the main investors in Serbia. Trade-wise we are by far the largest partner to Serbia. And all this needs to be known. Our opinion polls that we do regularly indicate that about 42 percent of the Serbian citizens are aware that the EU is the main donor. It’s not a bad figure. Obviously, we would like to see more awareness and as the EU Delegation we work very hard for that. We are travelling through the country with the media, we also do a lot with the member states. Last year, when the electricity prices went up, I was very happy that we quickly offered and transferred 165 million Euros of budget support for the electricity to the Government and agreed to put on the electricity bill a mention that EU is supporting the reduction of the bills. This is the way we need to explain to the citizens in concrete terms what the EU is doing for them. I feel we have made some progress, but we need to work much harder.”
As far as I can remember, the EU has never been so united before the Russian aggression on Ukraine. It seems that all the differences were put aside and that there was one idea – to help Ukraine defend itself. But now, 18 months into the conflict, there are reports that some European countries’ politicians say that the aid they are sending to Ukraine has crippled their military industry. Is that true?
First of all, I want to say that everyone was surprised with the level of unity which the European Union achieved in the light of the Russian aggression. I think there were predictions, expectations, including in Moscow, that the EU won’t stay united, that the unity will crumble very quickly. We proved those predictions wrong. The capitals of member states, the institutions understood the historical need of unity in this moment in Europe and they are sticking together in a remarkable way. We were able to overcome the energy crisis, diminish dramatically the reliance on Russian gas and oil, steer economy in difficult waters and provide financial, humanitarian and military assistance to Ukraine. These are difficult times, of course, and there is a debate inside the EU about for how long will we endure and there are different prospective from certain member states. That is a normal thing, but the fundamental unity and the need for putting an end to the Russian aggression is as strong as before.
What do you see, from the EU prospective that could be the road to peace between Russia and Ukraine and under what conditions since both sides are on completely different positions?
Everyone wants to see peace in Europe and the end to slaughter taking place in Ukraine because of the Russians. The EU supported President Zelenski’s peace formula articulated in ten points because the basic understanding of the member states is that Ukraine is the country that has been under aggression, the country that is paying the price, so we need to support peace effort, but we need to keep Ukraine in the driving seat. They need to decide whether there are the conditions for peace. They are promoting their peace formula… and we will stay side by side with Ukraine in promoting that peace formula.
You have been here for two years. What is your understanding of Serbia’s attitude towards the sanctions on Moscow? You said once there was no any deadline for Serbia to make that decision. But why do you think Serbia is so reluctant now? Or maybe it will never do that?
The argument I hear about that is that Serbia experienced the sanctions itself in the 90s and that it suffered and don’t want to impose sanctions on Russia. I don’t think that is a strong argument and I believe we need to explain what the sanctions are. They are the tool to reduce the capacity of Russia to wage this war. We want to send a signal to Russia that what they are doing is wrong. So, we have explained to the Serbian Government that we expect Serbia to align with sanctions. That is not something new. People say it’s a new condition (for Serbia). It is not. The alignment with the EU Common Foreign and Security policy is a part of the negotiating framework from the very beginning and Serbia reached more than 61 percent in 2020-2021. So, it’s not new, it’s just more important now because the foreign policy has become so central and the EU is looking for our friends since we are under security threats and we want to make sure that those aspiring to join us demonstrate that also by aligning with foreign policy. We will continue to discuss the issue and we want to be sure that the sanctions are not circumvent, which is always an issue. And I want to say that in this aspect the (Serbian) Government has been very forthcoming and we have very good discussions and we are happy with the way it has been dealt with.
Just recently there were some speculations about the EU is taking a firmer stand towards Belgrade because of that non-compliance, including that visa regime could be abolished, then that some investments, current or planned in future, could be put on hold and that Serbia’s access to the EU funds could be denied. Though mostly speculations without any such decision, could it still be understood as a warning, even if a mild warning, to Belgrade that it should finally continue going towards the EU by complying with its rules?
At this moment, there is absolutely no discussion about abolishing visa free regime or cutting aid because of the lack of the alignment. The discussion that we are having now is about giving new impetus to the enlargement process. The discussion is about accelerating the enlargement and of course, when we present this opportunity and that is an opportunity for the Western Balkans, there is an expectation of response that policy will be adapted accordingly because the membership is Serbia’s strategic goal and that’s clear that the Serbian people will greatly benefit from the EU membership. So will see. In the next few months, we will have a number of important meetings and important announcement of the policy if it’s clearly understood in the whole region that we are entering a new stage and that we need to act accordingly.
Growth plan for the Western Balkans
In June, at the forum in Bratislava, the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen announced the Growth Plan for the Western Balkans.
“The proposed growth plan rests on four pillars. First, it aims to Western Bring the Balkans closer to the EU market, allowing it to join the digital market single market in areas such as e-commerce and cyber security. That would facilitate trade in goods and payments.” Von der Leyen emphasized that single market should be the driver of change not only for the current member states but for those on the way to membership.
“Secondly, the plan wants to deepen regional economic integration by establishing a common regional market. The third pillar of the growth plan is to accelerate basic reforms in the Western Balkans.”
As the last pillar on which the plan rests, Von der Leyen highlighted the readiness of the EU to support the Western Balkans with increased pre-accession funding.
How the EU sees, if it looks at it, these protests going on across Serbia? They started after those two massacres, but now they are covering other issues in the country. What does the EU see in those protests?
First of all, I would like to say that these protests were the reaction to the Ribnikar massacre and the one the following day, and to the traumatic experience the country went through. They have continued ever since and now we have more than four months of the protests and it’s an indication that that the country remans polarized. There is a polarization in the political spectrum which is quite strong. I think that we first have to say that people are able to exercise their right to freedom of assembly and demonstrations. This is good that they are able to march and that is important it is peaceful. That indicates the level of polarity with number of criticism of fundamental issues related to the function of democracy. From the EU point of view, it is important, first of all, that the freedom of expression, freedom to assembly can be exercised, but also that the system is able to find some sort of areas of agreement, particularly when it comes to the European integration. It’s clear that this big project to bring Serbia to the EU is actually supported by a large part of the population, but also by a large part of political spectrum. The European Parliament continues the engagement with the political forces in Serbia. They have been coming back, trying to engage with the parties in the parliament. Unfortunately, in June, after the massacres and large demonstrations, it wasn’t possible for them to start the dialogue but they remain committed to continue working. The EP is taking the lead trying to contribute to reduce polarization by addressing some of the issues that have been raised as problematic.
How do you comment on some Serbia’s opposition leaders saying that the EU actually supports the current regime in Serbia?
I disagree. They suppose we are making a partisan choice in our dealing. Obviously, we work with the Government that has been elected, it’s our key partner here. We have to decide how we spend the money. It’s not decided by Brussels and we come to the partner countries and say this is what you going to do. This is a dialogue and they (the governments) are in the driving seat of implementation of the projects and therefore the relationship is there and it is strong in a sense. But we also have relationship with the civil society in Serbia, we provide support to civil society, we have relationship with private sector, and of course we have a dialogue with the opposition in the parliament and outside the parliament. We need to have a dialogue with everyone and of course we presenting projects with the Government, but I think it is a right thing because it is important that the Government takes the ownership of the funds that the EU is providing, informs the citizens that the funds are coming from the European Union taxpayers. We are happy that we can inaugurate the projects with the ministers, Prime Minister, President to give the visibility to the fact that we are doing that together because the citizens have right to be informed and we have been asking the Serbian Government and governments in the Western Balkans to clearly indicate what the EU does for the country. Communication is important…


It is not the truth that citizens of Serbia and Belgrade have ever received any support, protection, help, or invitation for job in order to survive and oay for food, bills and protect their property, from EU. EU is financing regime, and does not care for person, human rights, dignity, decent work.